For a century, Turkey has systematically denied Kurds even the most basic democratic rights and autonomy within its borders.
In 2016, the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) labelled the Kurdish party as an enemy of “Islamic order.” It referred to the PKK and its affiliates and supporters as “atheists and Zoroastrians.”
The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), also known as Kongra-Gel, is a militant Marxist-Leninist Kurdish separatist group established in 1978 to create a unified, independent Kurdistan.
The group aims to gain control of Kurdish areas of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey to advance Kurdish rights and establish a confederation of semi-autonomous Kurdish regions.
PKK
The PKK and groups associated with it have long sought greater rights for Turkey’s Kurds, whose language and culture the state has suppressed since Turkey was formed after World War I.
In the early 20th Century, many Kurds began to consider the creation of a homeland, generally referred to as “Kurdistan.” After World War 1 and the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, the victorious Western allies made provision for a Kurdish state in the 1920 Treaty of Sevres.
But hopes were dashed three years later when the Treaty of Lausanne, which set the boundaries of modern Turkey, made no provision for a Kurdish state and left Kurds with minority status in their respective countries. Over the next 80 years, any move by Kurds to set up an independent state was brutally quashed.
Reinforcing Hegemony
Partly fueled by the euphoria of the revival of Ottoman grandeur and partly by whipping up the rhetoric of the Islamic fraternity, President Erdogan has been trying to regain popularity after his party’s debacle in the local elections in April 2024.
He is now leveraging the Kurdish issue to assert regional hegemony. He has pulled out his most powerful bargaining chip – Abdullah Ocalan, a founder of the PKK – languishing in prison since 1993. Ocalan has been put behind bars for his call for an independent Kurdistan.
It is interesting to note the different yardstick Erdogan uses for identical cases. At the UN and other international platforms, Erdogan has been defending the armed insurgents in Indian Kashmir, while at home, he locks up the freedom fighters in prisons.
Ocalan’s U-Turn
PKK’s strong man Ocalan has been under pressure to refrain from demanding any form of political reform, including “federalism, administrative autonomy, or culturalist solutions,” even within Turkey, wrote Loqman Radpey in the Jerusalem Post on March 9.
The PKK was established with the goal of an independent Kurdistan encompassing all Kurdish regions in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey.
Ocalan is now asking PKK to lay down its arms and dissolve as a group as part of a new bid to end a four-decade long conflict that has claimed tens of thousands of lives. Why is there a reversal of that policy?
The answer to this question shifts the entire Kurd versus Erdogan narrative to a new trajectory.
Revisiting The Middle East Map
In his presentation before the UN General Assembly in September 2024, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu unveiled a revised Middle East map highlighting the critical role of the Kurds. He also highlighted the Kurdish secular and democratic governance model and the healthy ties between the Jewish people and the Kurds.
In his opinion, the Kurds represent a strategic force in the evolving Middle East. In post-Assad Syria, the power structure is divided among three major factions: the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA), its ally, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).
The SDF is the only major democratic and liberal force in Syria alongside the Druze community. The two groups have recently declared a military council that Israel has sought to establish ties with.
What can be deduced from this changing political landscape is that Turkey’s recent overtures towards Kurdish disarmament are not motivated by any genuine desire for peace as the media may suggest.
It is to block Israeli influence in the region. Ankara is wary that the Kurds could become a pivotal force in reshaping the Middle East, challenging both Turkish hegemony and the Islamist networks it supports.
The Fallout
The fallout of Erdogan’s move on the Kurdish chessboard is unpredictable. The reason is the complicated politics of the region.
We cannot underestimate Iran’s role. If, in the backdrop of Hezbollah’s recent losses in war with Israel and the ignominious departure of Assad of Syria, Iran decides to suppress ethnic minorities, including the Iranian Kurds, it could pose a serious challenge to Erdogan’s “democratic reconciliation” theory.
For Ankara, manipulating Kurdish politics through Ocalan’s instrumentation hinges on the condition that it succeeds in weakening Kurdish forces on the ground.
Conclusion
It remains to be analysed whether Ocalan’s capitulation will be accepted and honoured by the entire Kurdish community across the four countries where they have strong influence.
Secondly, it is not clear what concessions Ankara is prepared to offer if the PKK and affiliates agree to call off their agitation. At the same time, Kurdish leadership will also give serious thought to the competence of Israel in practically supporting the Kurdistan state to come into existence against the deadly opposition of Turkey and Iran.
Turkey is walking a tightrope. Erdogan has realised that playing the Islamic emotional card may not help him realize his dream of Ottoman grandeur.
Undoubtedly, the October 7 attack by Hamas was bound to bring about changes in the Middle East that would be far beyond anybody’s imagination. That stage has now arrived.
- Prof. KN Pandita (Padma Shri) is the former director of the Center of Central Asian Studies at Kashmir University.
- This article contains the author’s personal views and does not represent EurAsian Times’ policies/views/opinions in any way.
- The author can be reached at knp627 (at) gmail.com
